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THE RECORD OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN RELATION TO 
THE ANNEXATION OF NONCONTIGUOUS TERRITORY. 



J 



SPEECH 



. W' B. SHATTUC, 



OF OHIO, 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



MONDAY, MAY 14, 1900. 



-WASHINGTON. 

1900. 



'<5^oX 






E 71.3 



:mfim!mmm 



iV 



Cong". Reooi^d Of f«' 
10 Ja.» 01 



cu 



SPEECH 



t HOIST. W. B. SHATTUC 



Tho Hon J^e being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and 
having uurter consideration the bill (H. R. IbVJD making appropriations to 
supulydeticieucies in tho appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 
1900^ and for prior years, and tor other purposes- 
Mr. SHATTUC said: 

Mr. Chairman: Of the many inconsistencies presented by the 
record of the Democratic party none is more striking than that 
of its present attitude in opposition to the e::pansion re.^nlting 
from the Spanish-American war. In some rem;irijs submitted to 
this House on March 31 I called attention to the fact that the 
party whicli is now opposing expansion had in fact added every 
foot of territory to our original area, except that of Alaska, and 
in practically every case had done so without reference to the 
" consent of the governed;" and this fact has aiso been i)resented 
in much detail by others. Driven to the wall by this presentation 
of well-known historical facts, the response of the leaders of that 
party has been that the area which it added was contiguous and 
practically unoccupied territory, while that recently added (as an 
incident of the war with Spain") is noncontiguous and already oc- 
cupied by people of another race and different characteristics. 

In making this defense of their new attitude of opposition to 
expansion, they seem to imagine that the people of this country 
have forgotten comparatively recent history. In some former re- 
marks upon this subject before this House I pointed out the fact 
that tho Democratic party in three national conventions and two 
national platforms in 1860 adopted a resolution demanding that 
the next administration should obtain possession of Cuba, and 
without reference to the "consent of the governed." I now pro- 
pose to examine more closely and somewhat in detail the history 
of that party with reference' not only to Cuba but to other islands 
and noncontiguous territory, and show by indisputable evidence 
that its attitude from the very foundation of the party to the ter- 
mination of the slavery period was in favor of the acquisition not 
only of Cuba but of other islands and noncontiguous territory— 
any spot, in fact, in which it could extend slavery and by so doing 
increase the vote of the slave-holding party in Congress. 

I propose, first, to relate, in brief and consecutive form, the his- 
tory of the Democratic efforts to acquire Cuba, the Hawaiian 
Islands, Yucatan, and the Danish West Indies, and to put on 
record such extracts from official documents and messages as will 
preserve in permanent form the expansion history of this Demo- 
cratic party which is now denouncing expansion (which came to 
45^4 3 



ns,.'excepting Hawaii, as incidents and results of the war with 
Spain) in the very territory of which its most distinguished lead- 
ers tried to obtain control. From Jefferson to Buchanan, the 
constant and consistent record of the party is for the accjuisition 
of island as well as non contiguous territory, and it was only 
with the termination of slavery that the party, as a party, aban- 
doned this effort. It was only after the possibility of the exten- 
sion of this curse of mankind— slavery— had passed away that we 
find a Democratic President so far departing from the established 
principle of expansion as to be willing to haul down the American 
flag in Hawaii, where it had been hoisted in compliance with the 
wishes of the people of those islands and the approval of those of 
the United States, with the ' ' consent " of both the governed and 
the governing. 

No man is more revered by the Democratic party, if it is capa- 
ble of genuine reverence for anybody or anything, than Thomas 
Jefferson. Its leaders annually celebrate the date of his birth, 
and point to him as the father of their party; yet Jefferson clearly 
favored the annexation of Cuba and put himself plainly on record 
in favor of it. In a letter written August 10, 1807, during his 
second term as President, and addressed to Madison, his Secretary 
of State, discussing the possibilities of a war with European coun- 
tries, he said: 

I had rather have war with Spain than not, if we are to go to war against 
England. Our Southern defenses can take care of the Floridas, volimteera 
from the Mexican army will flock to our standard, and rich pabulum will be 
offered to our privateers in the plunder of their commerce and coasts; prob- 
ably Cuba would add itself to our confederation. 

Two years later, writing again to Madison, who was then Presi- 
dent, lie said: 

I suppose the conquest of Spain will soon offer a delicate question to yoxi 
as to the Floridas and Cuba, which will offer themselves to you. Napoleon 
will certainly give his consent without diflflculty to our receiving the h lori- 
das, and, with some difficulty, possibly Cuba. 

A week later he writes again: 

That Napoleon would give us the Floridas to withhold intercourse with 
the residue of these colonies can not be doubted, but that is no price, because 
they are ours in the first moment of the first war; but, although with difii- 
culty, he will consent to our receiving Cuba into our Union to prevent our aid 
to Mexico and the other provinces. That will be a price, and I would imme- 
diately erect a column on the southernmost limit of Cuba, and inscribe on it 
a no plus ultra as to us in that direction. Y/o should then only have to in- 
clude the North in our confederacv, which would be, of course, in tlie first 
war, and we should have such an empire for liberty as she has never sur- 
veyed since the creation, and I am persuaded no constitution was ever 
before so well calculated as ours for extensive empire and self-government. 

Opportunity did not then offer for the Democracy to follow the 
advice of Mr. Jefferson and extend over Cnba the Constitution, 
which he was persuaded was " so well calculated for extensive ern- 
pire and self-government," and therefore we find him again in 
1823 writing to President Monroe a letter from which the official 
Democratic text-book issued by the Democratic'party in the year 
of our Lord 1898, only two years ago, quotes triumphantly the 
following sentences: 

It is better, then, to lie still in readiness to receive that interesting incor- 
poration (Cuba) when solicited by herself. That addition to our confed- 
eracy is exactly what is wanted to round our power as a nation to the point 
of its utmost interest. 

A few months later he wrote again to President Monroe: 

I candidly confess that I have ever looked upon Cuba as the most interest- 
ing addition that could be made to our system of States. 
4534 



]\Ir. Jefferson's advice in regard to Cuba was evidently not lost 
upon President Monroe, who, in a letter of June :'0, 1833, quoted 
by Prof. James Morton Callahan, of Johns Hopkins University, 
in his recent work on Cuba and International Relations, says: 

1 liavo always agreed with you in the sentiment that too much impor- 
tance could not b3 attached to that island (Cuba), and that we ought, if pos- 
sible, to incorporate it into our L'uion, availing otirselves of the most favor- 
able moment for it, hoping also that one would arise when it might be dono 
without a rupture with Spain or any other power. I consider Florida and 
Cuba as forming the mouth of the Mississippi and other rivers emptyinginto 
the Gulf of Mexico within our limits, as of the Gulf itself, and in consequence 
that the acquisition of it to our Union is of the highest importance to our in- 
ternal tranquillity as to our prosperity and aggrandizement. 

As the country grew and the sentiment against slavery strength- 
ened, the supporters of that Democratic institution in Congress 
saw more clearly every year the importance of following the ad- 
vice of the founder of their party and extending over Cuba and 
whatever other territory they could annex that Constitution which 
Jefferson had described as '• so well calculated for extensive empire 
and self-government." Even as early as 1826, in discussing a bill 
looking to a canal across Florida, it was urged that such a canal 
would protect Southern interests in case Cuba should pass into the 
possession of a foreign i30v>'er, and, In reply to this, Randolph 
said: 

If all constitutional resti-aints are to be pushed aside, let us take Cuba, and 
be done with it. 

As the control of the slave power in Congress grew more atten- 
uated with the growth of representation from the North, agitation 
for the annexation of Cuba increased. Everett, in his " Miscel- 
laneous Essays," published in 1845, says: 

The subject of Cuba will be brought, we fear, by the irresistible power of 
circumstances but too frequently to the notice of the people of the United 
States." 

In the same year the Democratic Vice-President, Dallas, at a 
public dinner, toasted " The annexation of Cuba." In December 
of that year Mr. Levy (alias Yulee), a Senator from Florida, 
offered a' resolution directing the President to open negotiations 
with Spain forthe cession of Cuba, while a similar resolution was 
offered in the House. 

President Polk, who came into office in 1845, cordially supported 
the Democratic sentiment in favor of additional slave territory, 
and, finding that the territory added through his war with Mexico 
could not be relied upon for that purpose, immediately afler that 
war planned for the annexation of Cuba. Professor Callahan, 
discussing this question, says: 

As soon as the struggle with Mexico was closed, Polk, ready to accept 
more land, undertook to annex Cuba. On May 30, 1848, at the beginning of a 
new Presidential canvass, and even before the ratification of peace with 
Mexico, he brought the subject before his Cabinet, and favored a fair pur- 
cha.se, and on .June G lue brought the subject before the Cabinet again. A day 
or so later news of the peace with Mexico arrived. * * * 

Polk was a man of oral confidence, and he and Buchanan, his Secretary of 
State, preferred to wrap the negotiations with Spain as to Cuba in secrecy. 
Polk's instructions to Saunders, then minister to Spain, wore profoundly con- 
fidential; they were written June 17, 184s, but held liack from the clerks for 
record until February 25, 1849. In bis instructions Polk told Saunders to 
begin his negotiations by a confidential conversation concerning the distrac- 
tions in Cuba; * * * to avoid any absolute refusal in treating which might 
embarrass the United States hereafter in acquiring Cuba, and to suggest that, 
on account of the situation in the Spani-h cabinet and the relations w.th for- 
eign governments, it was proper to avoid record of the Cuban negotiations. 
4534 



6 

T^iat this statement of President Polk's negotiations for the pur- 
chase of Cuba is accurate can not he doubted, and the assertion 
is sustained by such distinguished authority as the present leader 
on the Democratic side of tliis House, Hon. James D. Richardson, 
of Tennessee, who, in the index to his Messages and Papers of the 
Presidents, says of Cuba: 

President Polk made a proposal in 1818 for the purchase of the island by the 
American Government for §100,000,000. 

President Polk's negotiations were unsuccessful because the 
Spanish Government dklnot desire topart with Cuba: but the slave 
power in Congress continued the agitation in favor of the scheme, 
with the election of Pierce, who succeeded him in the White 
House in 185B. Speeches were made in the House and Senate in 
favor of the acquisition of Cuba. Senator Mason, afterwards of 
Confederate fame, in a speech favoring the acquisition of Cuba 
said that its acquisition 'should not be attempted by forcible or 
unlawful methods, but added that "in the fullness of time the 
fruit will ripen and fall from the parent stem." Cass expressed 
a willingness to purchase Cuba, even at an extravagant price, and 
said: 

It is pretty well known that I have a capacious swallow for territory, 
although we can wait if necessary and spend the time digesting our last 
accuiisitions (the result of the war with Mexico), that sit lightly on the 
stomach and promise to promote the health of the body politic beyond 
expectation. 

Soule urged that the Government should not delay too long in 
plucking the Cuban fruit referred to by Mason as likely to " ripen 
and fall from the parent stem in the fullness of time," and asked: 

Will the plucking of it when ripe be less marauding than the plucking of 
it while still greeuV 

. Mallory, also representing the slave power, was even more rad- 
ical than Soule, and, referring to the advantages of Cuba and the 
necessity of its acquisition, remarked that "Heaven helps those 
that help themselves." 

President Pierce, when he came into office, made no conceal- 
ment of his desire to extend the control of that constitutionwhich 
Mr. Jefferson had characterized as "so well calculated for exten- 
sive empire and self-government," and in his inaugural address 
said: 

Our position and attitude might render the acquisition of certain posses- 
sions not within our jurisdiction eminently important for our protection. 

In the month following the election— 

says Callahan — 

Buchanan had told Pierce that ho should make the purchase of Cuba the 
chief aim of his Administration, and thus render his name as illustrious as 
that of Jefferson, who had procured Louisiana for the Union. 

With a view to this, apparently, Buchanan was sent as minister 
to London, Soule to Spain, and Mason to France; and on April 'S, 
1854, Marcy, Pierces Secretary of State, sent Soule confidential 
instructions as to the purchase of Cuba, saying that the President 
considered $100,000,000 a liberal price, but that he would not have 
the annexation fail even if an additional thirty millions were 
required. Soule entered upon the negotiations as directed, but 
they were again rejected by Spain, and this combination of 
supporters of the slave power evidently concluded that if fair 
means were unsuccessful others should be attempted; and, as a 
conseauence. Ministers Buchanan, Mason, and Soule were directed 
to hold a conference and announce the sentiment which they 

4531 



represented upon this subject. They held that conference at 
Ostencl and gave to the public the celebrated "Ostend manifesto," 
which said: 

Our past history forbids that we should acquire the island of Cuba with- 
out the consent of Spain unless justified by the great law of self-preserva- 
tion. * * * After we shall have offered Spain a price for Cuba far beyond 
its present value, and this shall have been refused, it will then be time to 
consider the question. Does Cuba, in tho possession of Spain, seriously injure 
our internal peace and the existence of our cherished Union? Should this 
question be answered in the affirmative, then by every law, human and 
divine, we shall be justified iu wresting it from Spain if we possess the power. 

A declaration of which Lossing, the historian, says: 
The bold iniquity of the proposition amazed honest men in both hemi- 
spheres. 

Even the failure of these attempts of Pierce's Administration to 
obtain Cuba by purchase, or, if public sentiment would consent, 
by force, did not discourage the Democratic party, for iu the 
national convention nominating Buchanan as Pierces successor, 
it declared that — 

The Democratic party will expect of the next Administration that every 
proper effort be made to insure our ascendency in t^o Giilf of Mexico and to 
maintain permanent protection to the great outlets which are emptying into 
its waters— and that the Administration of Franklin Pierce has been true to 
Democratic principles. 

President Buchanan, who followed Pierce, continued the efforts, 
openly and secretly, in favor of the annexation of Cuba. In a 
message to Congress, on December C, 1858, he said : 

It has been made known to the world by my predecessors that the United 
States have, on several occasions, endeavored to acquire Cuba from Spain by 
honorable negotiation. * * * The island of Cuba, from its geographical 
position, commands the mouth of the Mississippi and the immense and an- 
iaually increasing trade, foreign and coastwise, from the valley of that noble 
river now embracing half the sovereign States of the Union. With that 
island under the dominion of a foreign power this trade, of vital importance 
to these States, is exposed to the danger of being destroyed in time of war, 
and it has hitherto been subjected to piratical injury and annoyance m times 
of peace. Our relation with Spain, which ought to be of the most friendly 
character, must always be placed in jeopardy while the constituted colonial 
government over the island shall remain in its present condition. 

While the possession of the island would be of vast importance to the 
United States, its value to Spain is comparatively unimportant. * * * The 
publicity which has been given to our former negotiations upon this subject 
and the large appropriation which may bo required to effect the purpose 
render it expedient, before making another attempt to renew those negotia- 
tions, that I should lay the whole subject before Congress. This is especially 
necessary, as it becomes indispensable to success that I should be entrusted 
with the means of making an advance to the Spanish Government imnie- 
diat'^lv after signing the treaty, witliout awaiting the ratification of it by 
the Senate. I am encouraged to make this suggestion by the example of Mr. 
Jefferson previous to the purchase of Louisiana from France, and by that 
of Mr Polk in view of the acquisition of territory from Mexico. I lay the 
whole subject before Congress and commend it to their careful considera- 
tion. 

In another message, December 19, 1859, he says: 

I need not repeat the arguments which I urged in my last annual message 
in favor of the acquisition of Cuba by fair purchase. My opinions on that 
measure remain unchanged. I therefore again invite the serious attention of 
Congress to this important subject. Without a recommendation 911 this 
policy on their part, it will be impossible to institute negotiations with any 
reasonable prospect of success. 

In his message of December 3, 1860, President Buchanan says: 

I reiterate the recommendation contained in my annu.al message of Decem- 
ber l.S,58. and repeated in that of December, 18.W, iu favor of the acquisition 
of Cuba from Spain by fair purchase. I firmly believe that such an acq uisi- 
tion would contribute essentially to the well-being and prosperity of both 
countries in all future time. 
4534 



8 

Nothing is said in any of the three recommendations of Presi- 
dent Buchanan as to any attempt to inquire into the wishes of 
the people of Cuba or to obtain the " consent of the governed " 
before the Government of the United States should be extended 
over the island. So anxious was he, however, upon this subject 
that, in a special message to Congress on January 21, 1859, in 
answer to a resolution of inquiry calling for correspondence be- 
tween the Government of the United States and that of Spam 
regarding the purchase of the island, he says: 

It appeai-s that no such correspondence has taken place which has not al- 
ready been commnnicated to Congress. In my last annual message I stated, 
in reference to the purchase of Cuba, that " the publicity which has been 
given to our former negotiations on this subject and the large appropriation 
which may be required to effect the purposes render it expedient, before 
making another attempt to renew the negotiations, that I should lay the whole 
subiect before Congress." I still entertain the same opinion, deeming it 
highly important, if not indispensable, to the success of any negotiation 
which I might institute for this purpose that the measure should receive tne 
previous sanction of Congress. 

During the Buchanan Administration the annexation of Cuba 
continued to receive attention in Congress. A bill was introduced 
by Senator Slidell providing for an appropriation of §30,000,000 to 
facilitate the acquisition of Cuba, and was favorably reported. 
In the discussion which followed, Robert Toombs, who once prom- 
ised to call the roll of his slaves at the foot of Bunker Hill, expressed 
a desire for Cuba, both for its wealth and as a stepping-stone across 
the Caribbean, and saw no objection to its acquisition by treaty or 
by war. 

It ought to be declared to lie our settled policy- 
he said, 

as far as it can honestly and fairly be done, to unite all the Tropics under our 
flag. . . 

Reuben Davis, of Mississippi, favored the acquisition by force 
rather than by purchase. 

I propose— 
said he — 

that we shall take it now— take it in its perfection, redolent with the rich 
colors of its budding flowers and tropical fruits and productions. 

Taylor, of Louisiana, desired it in order to increase the slavery 
influence in Congress, and plainly said so. He offered as a sub- 
stitute for the bill another measure specifically authorizmg the 
President to pay $120,000,000 for Cuba and to issue bonds for the 
amount, and also to provide for erecting Cuba into a new State. 
Benjamin, of Louisiana, also spoke in favor of the measure. 
Stephens, of Georgia, afterwards vice-president of the Confed- 
eracy, favored expansion not only as to Cuba but to Mexico and 
Central America; and on July G, 1859, Jefferson Davis, in a speech 
before the Mississippi Democratic convention, said that the laws 
against the slave trade should be repealed and Cuba should be 
acquired. 

It would— 
lie said — 

benefit the whole Union if the Union continued, and be a still greater ad- 
vantage to the South in case of a new confederacy. 

With all these efforts of a Democratic President in the White 
House and Democrats in Congress, the attempt failed, and the 
Democratic convention which met in Charleston to nominate a 

4534 



successor to Buchanan adopted a resolution already quoted by me 
in this House: 

Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the 
island of Cuba upon such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to 
Spain. 

That convention failed to nominate, but the two Democratic 
conventions held at Baltimore and Richmond, which were its suc- 
cessors and which made separate nominations for the Presidency, 
each adopted that resolution, which expressed the sentiment of the 
Democratic party from the time of Jefferson to the close of that 
campaign, which ended slavery, and therefore ended Democratic 
ambitions for Cuba. 

DEJIOCRATIC SCHEME TO ANNEX YUCATAX. 

The record of the Democracy in favor of expansion to noncon- 
tiguous territory does not cease with the history of its Cuban 
negotiations and schemes. President Polk, when the expansion 
fever was at its height. In a special message to Congress April 29, 
1848, called attention to the opportunities for expansion then 
existing in Yucatan, saying: 

The white inhabitants of Yucatan have been reduced to a condition of ex- 
treme suffering by an insurrection of the Indians, and have already, through 
their constituted authorities, implored the aid of this Government to save 
them from destruction, offering, in case this should be granted, to transfer the 
dominion and sovereignty of the peninsula to the United States. Similar 
appeals for aid and protection have been made to the Spanish and English 
governments. 

We have now authentic information that if the aid asked from the United 
States be not granted such aid will probably be obtained from some Eiiro- 
pean power, which may hereafter assert a claim to dominion and sovereignty 
over Yucatan. Yucatan has never declared her independence, and we treat- 
ed her as a State of the Mexican Republic. For this reason we have never 
officially received her commissioner, but whilst this is the case we have to 
a considerable extent recognized her as a neutral in our war with Mexico. 
While still considering Yucatan as a portion of Mexico, if we had troops to 
spare for this purpose, I would deem it proper, during the continuance of 
the war with Mexico, to occupy and hold military possession of her territory. 

THE DANISH WEST INDIES WANTED. 

Another attempt at the addition of noncontiguous territory was 
made by President Andrew Johnson after his desertion of the 
Republican party and during the time in which he was receiving 
the cordial support of the Democratic party as President. In a 
message to Congress, on December 3, 1867, he says: 

The West India islands were settled and colonized by European states 
simultaneously with the settlement and colonization of the American conti- 
nent * * * Although possessing considerable commercial value, they 
have been held by the several European states which colonized or at some 
time conquered them chiefly for the purpose of mihtary and n.-ival strategy. 

In our Revolutionary war ports and harlxsrs of the West India islands 
were used by our enemies to the great injury and embarrassment of the 
United States. We had the same experience in our second war with Great 
Britain. In our recent civil war the rebels and their piratical and blockade- 
running allies found facilities in the same ports for the work which they too 
successfully accomplished in injuring and devastating the commerce which 
we are now engaged in rebuilding. * * * I agree with our early states- 
men that the West Indies naturallv gravitate to and may be expected ulti- 
mately to be absorbed bv the continental states, including oiir own. I agree 
with them, also, that it is wise toleave the question of such absorption to the 
principles of natural political gravitation. The islands of St. Thomas and 
St. John, which constitute a part of the group called the \ irgin LsL-inds, 
seem to offer us advantages immediately desirable, while their acquisition 
should be secured in harmony with the nrinciples to which 1 have alluded. 
A treaty has therefore been made with the King of Denmark for the cession 
of these islands, and will be submitted to the Senate for consiaeration. 
45at 



10 

ACQUISITION OF SAX DOMIXGO SUGGESTED. 

Mr. Johnson's ambition to cause the islands of the Caribbean to 
" gravitate to the United States" was not confined to St. Thomas 
and St. John, for, in a message sent to Congress on December 9, 
1868, after again calling attention to his treaty with the King of 
Denmark for the purchase of the i>^lands of St. Thomas and St. 
John on the " best terms then attainable," he calls attention to 
conditions in other islands in those waters, and. says: 

It can not be long before it will become necessary for this Government to 
lend some effective aid to the solution of the political and social problems 
which are continually kept before the world by the two republics of Isan 
Domingo, and which are now disclosing themselves more distinctly than here- 
tofore. The subject is commended to your consideration with all the more 
earnestness because I am satisfied that the time has now arrived when so 
direct a proceeding as a proposition for annexation of the two republics of 
the island of San Domingo would not only receive the con.9ent of the people 
interested but would also give satisfaction to all other foreign nations. 

I am aware that upon the question of further extending our possessions it 
is apijrehended by some that our political system can not successfully be 
applied to an area more extended than our continent, but the conviction is 
rapidly gaining ground in the American mind that, with increased facilities 
for intercommunication between all portions of the earth, the principles of 
free government as embraced in our Constitution, if faithfully maintained 
and carried out, would prove of suificient strength and breadth to comi-re- 
hend within their sphere and influence the civilized nations of the world. 
The attention of the Senate and Congress is again respectfully invited to the 
treaty for the e.stablishment of commercial reciprocity with the Hawaiian 
Kingdom. * * * A reciprocity treaty, while it could not materially 
diminish the revenues of the United States, would be a guaranty of the 
good will and forbearance of all nations until the people of the islands shall, 
of themselves, at no di.stant day, voluntarily apply for admission into the 
Union. 

DEMOCRATIC ATTEMPT TO ANNEX HAWAII. 

It was not alone to Cuba, or Yucatan, or the islands of the 
Caribbean that the Democracy looked for expansion and extension 
of slave territory, but an earnest effort was made for the annexa- 
tion of Hawaii. Under the administration of President Pierce, 
his minister to the Hawaiian Islands, Mr. Gregg, was directed to 
negotiate for the annexation of those islands to the United States, 
and in a communication to him, dated April 14, 1854, Mr. Pierce's 
Secretary of State, Marcy, says: 

In your general instructions yon were furni.slied with the views of this 
Governmentin regard to any change in the political affairs of the Sandwich 
Islands. The President was aware when those instructions were prepared 
that the question of transferring the sovereignty of those islands to the United 
States had been raised and favorably received by many official individuals 
residing therein. You were informed that it was not the policy of the United 
States to accelerate such a change; but if in the course of events it became 
unavoidable, this Government would much prefer to acquire the sovereignty 
of these islands for the United States than to see it transferred to any other 
power. * * * 

The information contained in your last dispatch renders it probable that 
the ruling powers of that Government will have presented to you an offer of 
the sovereignty of their country to the United States. The President has 
deemed it proper that you should be furnished with instructions for the 
guidance of your conduct in such an emergency. With this dispatch you 
will be furnished with full power to treat with the present authorities of 
the Hawaiian Governiaent for the transfer of the Sandwich Islands to the 
United States. * * * It is reasonable to anticipate that the present rulers 
and chiefs would expect that some provision would be made as compensation 
to them for the sun ender of their political possession. 

This jjrovision could not be, as I conceive, any other than a pecuniary 
allowance. In this respect the United State.s would manifest toward them a 
liberal spirit. Annuities to the amount of S10ii,(XK), to bo distributed in such 
manner as they would prefer, might be secured to them in the treaty. 
* * * If you should succeed in making a treaty transferring the islands to 
the Unitel States, it is desirable that it should receive the ratification of the 
4534 



11 

Hawaiian Governmont before it is sent here. * * * I have good reason to 
believe that some of the leading powers of Europe would be very unwilling 
to see the Sandwich Islands become apart of the United States. These con- 
siderations and others make it important that you should bring it to a close 
as expeditiously as possible. 

These instructions to Minister Gregg resulted in tlie negotiation 
of a treaty of annexation. It was forwarded to the United States, 
and was so satisfactory to President Pierce and his Secretary of 
State that the latter said, in a communication to Minister Gregg: 

The President desires me to assure you that he takes no exception what- 
ever to your course in this difficult and embarrassing negotiation, but, on the 
contrary, it is highly approved. Your efforts have been properly directed, 
and your ability is appreciated and commended. It gives me pleasure to 
communicate the President's approbation of your conduct. 

He adds, however, that the President directs him to say that 
certain features of the treaty are unsatisfactory, and says: 

There are in his mind strong objections to the immediate incorporation 
of the islands in their present condition into the Union as an independent 
State. It was expected that the Hawaiian Government would be willing to 
offer the islands to the United States as a Territory and leave the question 
in relation to their becoming a State to the determination of this Govern- 
ment, unembarrassed by stipulations on that point. The interests of both 
parties would seem to indicate this as the wisest course. A treaty which 
would embarrass the United States on this question would therefore be 
objectionable. 

Thus it appears that a Democratic President under whose Ad- 
ministration the acquisition of both Cuba and Hawaii was pushed 
with the greatest vigor, objected at the last moment to the accept- 
ance of the Hawaiian territory coupled with any agreement which 
would require that it should be brought in as a State into the 
Union, a sentiment quite oiit of accord with that which we have 
recently heard in Congress with reference to territory of this 
character more recently acquired. Whether this trifling disagree- 
ment would have been' overcome and the Hawaiian Islands an- 
nexed will never be known, as the sudden death of the Hawaiian 
King ended the negotiations before they could be completed, and 
Pierce's successor, Buchanan, contented himself with directing 
his efforts to the acquisition of Cuba, as already detailed. 

We see, therefore, that the attitude of the Democratic party, 
from Jefferson to Buchanan, was one of constant desire for ex- 
pansion, not alone in contiguous area, but in noncontiguous and 
island territory, especially in any spot where slavery might be 
extended, and thus the control of the slave power in Congress and 
in national affairs maintained. 

As has already been stated, every foot of contiguous territory 
added to the original area of the United States was made by the 
Dem.ocratic party and without reference to the " consent of the 
governed," while the facts which have just been presented show 
with equal clearness that the objections now offered to the expan- 
sion, which has come as an incident of the war with Spain, found 
no place in the minds of Democrats during all the years in which 
they were plotting for the annexation of Cuba, Hawaii, Yucatan, 
Haiti and San Domingo, and the Danish West Indies. 

President after President, Secretary of State after Secretary of 
State, foreign minister after foreign minister, planned, plotted, 
and schemed to bring about the annexation, peaceably if conven- 
ient, by force if necessary, of islands and other noncontiguous 
territory, and in not one instance was it proposed that the wishes 
of the people affected should be tested in any manner which 

453i 



12 



should determine the "consent of the governed" as a prerequisite 
for the step thus proposed. On the contrary, the underlying 
motive with at least a large share of those actively engaged in 
pushing forward these annexatioji propositions was to find addi- 
tional area upon which they could extend that outrageous form 
of government, slavery, wliich they were then exercising over 
millions of people in the Southern States without their consent. 

I desire to append to my remarks a map which shows the 
various areas annexed by Democratic Administrations, with the 
dates of action and area of each addition. 



APPENDIX. 



EXPANSION MAP of the UNITED STATES. 




o 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



III 



013 717 903 9 



III! 



